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JBublis'lbtt in erlfiiwrs to ©rr ffTajtrftp,

1865. I

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1852, 1853, 1854.

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Thb changes, which the Author has had occasion to make in the new edition of the third and fourth volumes of this work, have chiefly arisen out of the recent discovery of the Fragments of lacinianus, which have supplemented our defective information as to the epoch from the battle of Fjdna to the revolt of Lepidus in various not unimportant points, but have also suggested various fresh difficulties.

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CHAPTER IL The Reform Movement and Tibertos Graochub - 71

CHAPTER ni. The Revolution and Gaius Graoohus - - - 101

CHAPTER IV. The Rule of the Restoration - - - 131

CHAPTER V. The Peoples of the. North . - - - - 160


The Attempt of Marius at Revolution and the Attempt

OF Drdsus at Reform - - - - 196

CHAPTER VII. The Revolt of the Italians and the Sulpician Revolution - 226

CHAPTER VIII. The East and King Mithradates . - - 272

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CHAPTER IX. CiNNA AND Sulla -----. 314

CHAPTER X. Teeb Sullan Constitution - - - - 347

CHAPTER XI. Thb Commonwealth and its Economy ... 392




LiTXRATUBE AND ART - - - « - 44h

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" Aber si.e treiben*s toll ; Ich furcht*, es breche.** Nicht jeden Wochenschluss ' Macht Gott die Zecbe.


VOL. ni.

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On the abolition of the Macedonian monarchy, the supre- Th Sub- inacj of Rome was not only an established fact from the Pillara i^^ of Hercules to the months of the Nile and the Orontes, but, as if it were the final decree of fate, pressed on the nations with all the weight of an ineyitable necessity, and seemed to leave them merely the choice of perishing in hopeless resist- ance or in hopeless endurance, if history were not entitled to insist that the earnest reader should accompany her through good and evil days, through landscapes of winter as well as of spring, the historian might be tempted to shun the cheerless task of tracing the manifold aud yet monoto- nous turns of this struggle between power and weakness, both in the Spanish provinces already annexed to the Roman empire and in the African, Hellenic, and Asiatic territories which were still treated as clients of Rome. But, however unimportant and subordinate the individual conflicts may appear, they possess collectively a deep historical signifi- cance ; and, in particular, the state of thmgs in Italy at this period is only intelligible in the light of the reaction which the provinces exercised over the mother-country.

In addition to the territories which may be regarded as Spain. natural appendages of Italy ^in which, however, the natives were still for from being completely subdued, and Ligurians, Sardinians, and Oorsicans were, not greatly to the credit of Rome, continuaUy furnishing occasion for "village -tri- umphs " ^the formal sovereignty of Rome at the commence- ment of this periou was established only in the two Spanish

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provinces, which embraced the larger eastern and southern portions of the peninsula beyond the Pyreuees. We have already (ii. 206 et seq,) attempted to describe the state of matters in the peninsula. Iberians and Celts, Phoenicians, Hellenes, and Eomans were there strangely intermingled. The most diverse kinds and stages of civilization subsisted there simultaneously and at various points crossed each other, the ancient Iberian culture side by side with utter barbarism, the civilized relations of Phoenician and Greek mercantile cities side by side with the growth of a Latinizing culture, which was especially promoted by the numerous Italians employed in the silver mines and by the large standing garrison. In this respect the Eoman township of Italics (near Seville) and the Latin colony of Carteia (on the bay of Gibraltar) deserve mention, the latter being, next to Agri- gentum (ii. 150), the first transmarine civic community of Latin tongue and 1 talian constitution. Italica was founded 206. by Scipio the Elder, before he left Spain (648), for his veterans who were inclined to remain in the peninsula pro- bably not as a burgess-community, however, but merely as a 171. market-place.* Carteia was founded in 683 and owed its existence to the multitude of camp-children ^the offspring of Roman soldiers and Spanish slaves who grew up as slaves de jure but as free Italians de facto, and were now manu- mitted on behalf of the state and constituted, along with the old inhabitants of Carteia, into a Latin colony. !b'or nearly thirty years after the regulation of the province of the Ebro 179. 178. by Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus (576, 576 ; ii. 211) the Spanish provinces, on the whole, enjoyed the blessings of peace undisturbed, although mention is made of one or two expeditions against the Celtiberians and Lusitanians. ^ Lusi- [154. J^ufc more serious events occurred in 60O. The Lusitanians, tanian war. under the leadership of a chief called Punicus, invaded the Roman territory, defeated the two Roman governors who had united to oppose them, and slew a great number of their troops. The Vettones (between the Tagus and' the Upper Douro) were thereby induced to make common cause with the Lusitanians ; and these, thus reinforced,

* Italiea must have been intended by Scipio to be what was called in Italy forum et conciliabulum civium Romanorum ; Aquae Sextise in Gaul had a simihu: ongin afterwards. Tlie foimation of transmarine burgess-communities only be^ at a later date with Carthage and Narbo : yet it is remarkable that Scipio already made a first step, in a certain sense, in that direction.

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were enabled to extend their excursions as far as the Medi- terranean, and to pillage even the territory of the Bastulo- Phoenicians not far from the Soman capital New Carthage (Cartagena). The Romans at home took the matter so seriously as to resolve on sending a consul to Spain, a step which had not been taken since 559 ; and, in order to ^^^^ accelerate the despatch of aid, they even made the new consuls enter on office two months and a half before the legal time. Eor this reason the day for the consuls entering on office was shifted from the 15th of March to the 1st of January ; and thus was established the beginning of the year which we still make use of at the present day. But, before the consul Quintus 'Fulvius Nobilior arrived with his army, a very serious encounter took place on the right bank of the Tagus between the prsetor Lucius Mummius, governor of Further Spain, and the Lusitanians, now led after the fall of Punicus by his successor CsBsarus (601). Fortune was at 153. first favourable to the Bomans ; the Lusitanian army was broken and their camp was taken. But the Bomans, -already fatigued by their march and falling out of their ranks in the disorder of the pursuit, were at length completely defeated by their already vanquished antagonists, and lost their own camp in addition to that of the enemy, as well as 9000 dead.

The flame of war now blazed forth far and wide. The Celtibcrian Lusitanians on the left bank of the Tagus, led by Cancaenus, war. threw themselves on the Celtici subject to the Bomans (in Alentejo), and took their town Conistorgiai, The Lusi- tanians sent the standards taken from Mummius to the Celtiberians at once as an announcement of victory and a summons to arms ; and among these, too, there was no want of ferment. Two small Celtiberian tribes in the neighbour- hood of the powerful Arevac«B (near the sources of the Douro and Tagus), the Belli and the Titthi, had resolved to settle together in Segeda, one of their towns. While they were occupied in building the walls, the Romans ordered them to desist, because the Sempronian regulations prohibited the subject communities from founding towns at their own discretion ; and they at the same time required the contribu- tion of money and men which was due by treaty but for a considerable period had not been demanded. The Spaniards refused to obey either command, alleging that they were en- gaged merely in enlarging, not in found'mg, a city, and that

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the contribution had been not merelj suspended, but remitted by the Romans. Thereupon Nobilior appeared in Hither Spain with an army of nearly 30,000 men, including some Numidian horsemen and ten elephants. The walls of the new town of Segeda still stood unfinished : most of the inhabitants submitted. But the most resolute men fied with their wives and children to the powerful Arevacae, and summoned these to make common cause with them against the Bomans. The ArevacsB, emboldened by the victory of the Lusitanians over Mummius, consented, and chose Carus, one of the Segedan refugees, as their general. On the third day after his election the valiant leader had fallen, but the Roman army was defeated and nearly 6000 Roman burgesses were slain; the 23rd day of August, the festival of the Yulcanalia, was thenceforth held in sad remembrance by the Bomans. The fall of their general, however, induced the Arevacffi to retreat into their strongest town Nu- mantia (Guarray, a Spanish league to the north of Soria on the Douro), whither Nobilior followed them. Under the walls of the town a second engagement took place, in which the Romans at first by means of their elephants drove the Spaniards back into the town ; but while doing so they were thrown into confusion in consequence of one of the animals being wounded, and sustained a second defeat at the hands of the enemy again issuing from the walls. This and other misfortuues such as the destruction of a corps of Bomau cavalry despatched to call forth the contingents imparted to the affairs of the Komans in the Hither province so un- favourable an aspect that the fortress of Ociiis, where the Romans had their chest and their stores, passed over to the enemy, and the ArevacsB were in a position to think of dictat- ing peace, although without success, to the Bomans. These disadvantages, however, were in some measure counter- balanced by the successes which Mummius achieved in the southern province. Weakened though his army was by the disaster which it had suffered, he yet succeeded in inflicting a defeat on the Lusitanians who were imprudently scattered on the right bank of the Tagus ; and passing over to the left bank, where the Lusitanians had overrun the whole Boman territory and had even made a foray into Africa, he cleared the southern province of the enemy* 152. To the northern province in the following year (602) the

Mavcellus. senate sent considerable reinforcements and a new corn-

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mander in-cbief in the room of the incapable Nobilior, the consul Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who had already* when prsBtor in 586, distinguished himself in Spain, and had since 168. that time given proof of his talents as a general in two consulships. His skilful leadership, and still more his clemency, speedily changed the position of affairs : Ocilis at once surrendered to him ; and eren the Arevac», confirmed by Marcellus in the hope that peace would be granted to them on payment of a moderate fine, concluded an armistice and sent envoys to Rome. Marcellus could thus proceed to the southern province, where the Yettones and Lusitanians had professed submission to the prsetor Marcus Atilius so long as he remained within their bounds, but after his departure had immediately revolted afresh and chastised the allies of Rome. The arrival of the consul restored tran- quillity, and, while he spent the winter in Corduba, hos- tilities were suspended throughout the peninsula. Mean- while the question of peace with the ArevacsB was discussed at Rome. It is a significant indication of the relations existing among the Spaniards themselves, that the emissaries of the Roman party which existed among the ArevacsB were the chief occasion of the rejection of the proposals of peace at Rome, by representing that, if the Romans were not willing to sacrifice the Spaniards friendly to their interests, they had no alternative save either to send a consul with a corresponding army every year to the peninsula or to make an emphatic example now. In consequence of this, the ambassadors of the Arevac® were dismissed without a decisive answer, and it was resolved that the war should be prosecuted with vigour. Marcellus accordingly found himself compelled in the following spring (603) to resume the war i^^- against the Arevacae. But either, as was asserted, from his unwillingness to leave to his successor who was expected soon the glory of terminating the war, or, as is perhaps more probable, from his believing like Gracchus that a humane treatment of the Spaniards was the first thing requisite for a lasting peace the Roman general after holding a secret con- ference with the most influential men of the Arevac» con- cluded a treaty under the walls of Numantia, by which the ArevacaB surrendered to the Romans at discretion, but were reinstated in their former stipulated rights on their under- taking to pay money and furnish hostages.

When the new commander-in-Kshief, the consul Lucius Lucullus.

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LucuUus, arrived at head-quarters, he found the war which he had come to conduct akeadj terminated by a formally concluded peace, and his hopes of bringing home honour and more especially money from Spain apparently frustrated. But there was a means of surmounting this difficulty. Lucullus of his own accord attacked the western neighbours of the AreTae», the Yaccsei, a Celtiberian nation still independent and living on the best terms with the Eomans. The question of the Spaniards as to what fault they had committed was answered by a sudden attack on the town of Cauca (Coca, eight Spanish leagues to the west of Segovia) ; and, while the terrified town believed that it had purchased a capitu- lation by heavy sacrifices of money, Eoman troops marched in and enslaved or slaughtered the inhabitants without any pretext at all. After this heroic feat, which is said to have cost the lives of some 20,000 men, the army proceeded on its march. Far «nd wide the villages and townships were abandoned or, as in the case of the strong Intercatia and Pallantia (Palencia) the capital of the YaccsBi, closed their &;ates against the Soman army. Covetousness was caught m its own net ; there was no community that would venture to conclude a capitulation with the perfidious commander, and the general night of the inhabitants not only rendered booty scarce, but made it almost impossible for him to re- main for any length of time in such inliospitable regions. In front of Intercatia,' Scipio ^milianus, an esteemed military tribune, the son of the victor of Pydua and the adopted grandson of the victor of Zama, succeeded, by pledging his word of honour when that of the general no longer availed, in inducing the inhabitants to conclude an agreement by virtue of which the Boman arnry departed on receiving a supply of cattle and clothing. But the siege of Pallantia had to be raised for want of provisions, and the Eoman army in its retreat was pursued by the VaccsBi as far as the Douro. Lucullus thereupon proceeded to the southern province, where in the same year the praetor, Servius Sulpicius Gkilba, had allowed himself to be defeated by the Lusitanians. They spent the winter not far from each other Lucullus in the territory of the Turdetani, Galba at Conistorgis ^and in the 150. following year (604) jointly attacked the Lusitanians. Lu- cullus gained some advantages over them near the straits of Gades. Q-alba performed a greater achievement, for he con- cluded a treaty with three Lusitanian tribes on the right

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bank of the Tagus and promised to transfer them to better settlements ; whereupon the barbarians, who to the number of 7000 came to him for the sake of the expected lands, were separated into three divisions, disarmed, and partly carried off into slavery, partly massacred. War has hardly ever been waged with so much perfidy, cruelty, and avarice as by these two generals ; yet by means of their criminally acquired treasures the one escaped condemnation, and the other escaped even impeachment. The veteran Cato in his eighty-fifth year, a few months before his death, attempted to bring Galba to account before the burgesses; but the weeping children of the general, and the gold which he had brought home with him, demonstrated to the Eoman people his innocence.

It was not so much the inglorious successes which Lucul- Yiriathus. lus and Galba had attained in Spain, an the outbreak of the fourth Macedonian and of the third Carthaginian war in 605, which induced the Somans again to leave Spanish 149 affairs for a time in the hands of the ordinary governors. Whereupon the Lusitanians, exasperated rather than hum- bled by Galba's perfidy, immediately overran afresh the rich territory of Turdetania. The Eoman governor Gains Veti- lius (605 ?*) marched against them, and not only defeated 149. them, but drove the whole host towards a hill where it seemed lost irretrievably. The capitulation was virtually con- dnded, when Viriathus ^a man of humble origin, who for- merly, when a youth, had bravely defended his flock from wild beasts and robbers and was now in more serious conflicts a dreaded guerilla chief, and who was one of the few Spaniards that had accidentally escaped from the perfidious onslaught of Gtdba warned his countrymen against relying on the Boman word of honour, and promised them deliverance if they would follow him. His language and his example

* The chronology of the war with Viriathus is far from being precisely settled. It is certain that the appearance of Viriathus dates from the conflict with Vetilins (Appian, Hisp. 61 ; Justin, xliv. 2), and that he perished in 615 ; 13^. the duration of his goyernment is reckoned at eight (Appian, Hisp, 63), ten Oustin, xliv. 2), eleven TDiodorus, p. 597), or fourteen years (Liv. liv. ; Eatrop. iy. 16 : Fior. i. 33). The third estimate possesses some probability, because the conflict with Vetilius is closely associated with the governorship of Galba. On the other hand, the series of Roman governors is quite nncer- tain for the following period down to 608 ; and the more so because Viriathus, 146. while operating chiefly in the southern, fought also in the northern province (Liv. lii.), and thus his Roman antagonists did not belong solely to one set of goyemon.

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produced a deep effect : the army intrusted him with the supreme command. Yiriathus gave orders to the mass of his men to proceed in detached parties, by different routes, to the appointed rendezvous ; he himself formed the best mounted and most trustworthy into a corps of 1000 horse, with which he covered the departure of the rest. The Eomans, who wanted light cavalry, did not venture to dis- perse for the pursuit under the eyes of the enemy's horse- men. After Viriathus and his band had for two whole days held in check the entire Eoman army, he suddenly disap- peared during the night and hastened to the general ren- dezvous. The Eoman general followed him, but fell into an adroitly laid ambuscade, in which he lost the half of his army and was himself captured and slain ; with difficulty the rest of the troops escaped to the colony of Carteia near to the straits. In all haste 6000 men of the Spanish militia were despatched from the Ebro to reinforce the de- feated Eomans; but Viriathus destroyed the corps while still on its march, and commanded so absolutely the whole interior of Carpetania that the Eomans did not even venture to seek him there. Viriathus, now recognized as lord and king of all the Lusitanians, knew how to com- bine the full dignity of his princely position with the homely habits of a shepherd. No badge distinguished him from the common soldier : he rose from the richly adorned marriage- table of his father-in-law, the prince Astolpa in Eoman Spain, without having touched the golden plate and the sumptuous fare, lifted his bride on horseback, and rode off with her to his mountains. He never took more of the spoil than the share which he allotted to each of his comrades. The soldier recognized the general simply by his tall figure, by his striking sallies of wit, and above all by the fact that he surpassed every one of his men in temperance as well as in toil, sleeping always in full armour and fighting in front of all in battle. It seemed as if in that thoroughly prosaic age one of the Homeric heroes had reappeared : the name of Viriathus resounded far and wide through Spain ; and the brave nation conceived that in him at lengrth it had found the man who was destined to break the fetters of alien domination.

His sac- Extraordinary successes in northern and southern Spain

marked the next years of his leadership (606-608). Gains LsdHus indeed kept the field against him ; but, after destroy-

oessee, 148-146.

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ing the vangoard of the prstor Gaius Pkutius, Yiiiathiui had the skill to lure him over to the right hank of the Tagus, and there to defeat him so emphatically that the Soman general went into winter quarters in the middle of summer on which account he was afterwards charged hefore the people with having disgraced the Soman community, and was compelled to uve in exile. In like manner the armj of the governor Claudius Unimanus was destroyed, that of Ghdus Negidius was vanquished, and the level country was pillaged far and vride. Trophies of victory, decorated with the insignia of the Soman governors and the arms of the legions, were erected on the Spanish mountains; people at Some heard with shame and consternation of the vic- tories of the harharian king. The conduct of the Spanish war was now committed to a more trustworthy officer, the consul Quintus Eabius Maximus ^milianus, the second son of the victor of Pydna (609). But the Somans no longer 145. ventured to send the experienced veterans, who had just re- turned from Macedonia and Asia, forth anew to the detested Spanish war ; the two legions, which Maximus brought with him, were recent levies and scarcely more to be trusted than the old utterly demoralized Spanish army. After the first conflicts had again issued favourably for the Lusita- ikans, the prudent general kept together his troops for the remainder of the year in the camp at Urso (Osuna, south- east from Seville) without accepting the enemy's offer of battle, and only took the field afresh in the following year (610), after his troops had been qualified for fighting by i44. pettier warfare ; he was then enabled to maintain the supe- riority, and after successful feats of arms went into winter quarters at Gorduba. But when the cowardly and incapable piietor Quinctius took the command in room of Maximus, the Somans again suffered defeat after defeat, and their general in the middle of summer shut himself up in Corduba, while the bands of Yiriathus overran the southern province (611). i^-i.

His successor, Quintus Eabius Maximus Servilianus, the adopted brother of Maximus iEmilianus, was sent to the peninsula with two fresh legions and ten elephants ; he en- deavoured to penetrate into the Lusitanian country, but after a series of indecisive conflicts and an assault on the Soman camp, which was with difficulty repulsed, he found himself compelled to retreat to the Soman territory. Viri- athus followed him into the province, but, as his troops after

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the wont of Spanish insurrectionary armies suddenly melted 142. away, he was obliged to return to Lusitania (612). Next 141. year (618) Serrilianus resumed the offensive, traversed the districts on the BsDtis and Anas, and then advancing into Lusitania occupied a great manv towns. A large num- ber of the insurgents fell into his hands ; the leaders of whom there were about 500 were executed; those who had gone over from Boman ground to the enemy had their hands cut off; the remaining multitude were sold into slavery. But on this occasion also the Spanish war proved true to its fickle and capricious character. After all these successes the Eoman army was attacked by Viriathus while it was besieging Erisane, defeated, and driven to a rock where it was wholly in the power of the enemy. Viriathun, however, contented himself, like the Samnite general for- merly at the Oaudine pass, with concluding a peace with Servilianus, in which the community of the Lusitanians was recognized as sovereign and Viriathus acknowledged as its king. The power of the Romans had not increased more than the national sense of honour had declined ; in the capi- tal men were glad to be rid of the irksome war, and the senate and people ratified the treaty. But Quintus Servi- lius CflBpio, the full brother of Servilianus and his successor in office, was far from satisfied with this complaisance ; and the senate was weak enough first to authorize the consul to undertake secret machinations against Viriathus, and then to view with indulgence at least the open breach, with- out any palliation, of his pledged word. So Caepio invaded Lusitania, and traversed the land as far as the territories of the Vettones and Gallaeci; Viriathus declined a conflict with the superior force, and bj dexterous movements evaded

140. 139. his antagonist (614). But when in the ensuing year (615) CsBpio renewed the attack, and was supported by the army, which had in the mean time become available from the north- ern province, making its appearance under Marcus Popillius in Lusitania, Viriathus sued for peace on any terms. He was required to give up to the B^mans all who had passed over to him from the ±U>man territorv, amongst whom was his own father-in-law ; he did so, and the Romans ordered them to be executed or to have their hands cut off. But this was not sufficient ; the Bomans were not in the habit of an- nouncing to the vanquished all at once their destined fate.

His death. One behest after another was issued to the Lusitanians,

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each successive demand more intolerable than its predeces- sor ; and at length they were required even to surrender their arms. Then Yiriathus recollected the fate of his countrymen whom Galba had caused to be disarmed, and grasped his sword afresh. But it was already too late. His wavering had sown the seeds of treachery among those who were immediately around him ; three of his confidants, Audas, Ditalco, and Minurus from Urso, despairing of the possibility of renewed victory, procured from the king per- mission once more to enter into negotiations for peace with CaBpio, and employed it for the purpose of selling the life of the Lusitanian hero to the foreigners in return for the assur- ance of personal amnesty and further rewards. On their return to the camp they assured the king of the favourable issue of their negotiations, and in the following night stabbed him while asleep in his tent. The Lusitanians honoured the illustrious chief by an unparalleled funeral solemnity at which two hundred pairs of champions fought in the funeral games ; and still more highly by the fact, that they did not renounce the struggle, but nominated Tautamus as their commander in-chief in room of the fallen hero. The plan projected by the latter for wresting Saguntum from the Romans was sufficiently bold ; but the new general possessed neither the wise moderation nor the military skill of his pre- decessor. The expedition was a total fuJure, and the army on its return was attacked in crossing the Bffitis and com- pelled to surrender unconditionally. Thus was Lusitania subdued, far more by treachery and assassination on the part of foreigners and natives than by honourable war.

While the southern province was scourged by Yiriathus Numantia. and the Lusitanians, a second and not less serious war had, not without their help, broken out in the northern province among the Celtiberian nations. The brilliant successes of Viriathus induced the Arevacffl likewise in 610 to rise 144. against the Bomans ; and on that account the consul Quintus CfiBcilius Metellus, who was sent to Spain to relieve Maximus jEmilianus, did not proceed to the southern province, but turned against the Celtiberians. In the contest with them, and more especially during the siege of the town of Contrebia which was deemed impregnable, he showed the same ability which he had displayed in vanquishing the Macedonian pretender ; after his two years' administration ^611, 612) the northern pro- 143. 142

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vince was reduced to obedience. The two cities of Termantia and Numantia alone had not yet opened their

fates to the Romans ; but in their case also a capitulation ad been almost concluded, and the greater part of the conditions had been fulfiUed by the Spaniards. When required, however, to deliver up their arms, they were re- strained like Viriathus by their genuine Sjpanish pride in the possession of a well-handled sword, and they resolved to continue the war under the daring Megaravicus. It seemed folly : the consular army, the command of which was taken

141. up in 613 by the consul Quintus Fompeius, was four times as numerous as the whole population capable of bearing arms in Numantia. But the general, who was wholly ignorant of war, sustained defeats so severe under the 141. 140. walls of the two cities (613, 614), that he preferred at length to procure by means of negotiations the peace which he could not compel. With Termantia a definitive fii^eement must have taken place. In the case of the Numantines the Eoman general liberated their captives, and summoned the community under the secret promise of favour- able treatment to surrender to him at discretion. The Nu- mantines, weary of the war, consented, and the general actually limited his demands to the smallest possible measure. Prisoners of war, deserters, and hostages were delivered up, and the stipulated sum of money was mostly

139. paid, when in 615 the new general Marcus Fopillius lissnas arrived in the camp. As soon as Fompeius saw the burden of command devolve on other shoulders, he, with a view to escape from the reckoning that awaited him at Borne for a peace which was according to Eoman ideas disgraceful, lighted on the expedient of not merely breaking, but of disowning his word ; and when the Numantines came to make their last payment, in the presence of their officers and his own he flatly denied the conclusion of the agreement. The matter was referred for judicial deci' sion to the senate at Borne. While it was discussed there, tiie war before Numantia was suspended, and Laanas occupied himself with an expedition to Lusitania where he helped to accelerate the catastrophe of Viriathus, and with a foray against the Lusones, neighbours of the Numan- tines. When at length the decision of the senate arrived, its purport was that the war should be continued. The state was thus ready to share in the knavery of Fompeius.

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Witli unimpaired courage and increased resentment the Miuiciniis. Nmnantines resumed the struggle ; Lienas fought against them unsuccessful! j, nor was his successor Gains Hostilius Mtmcinus more fortunate (617). But their discomfiture 137. was occasioned not so much by the arms of the Numantines, as by the lax and wretched military discipline of the £oman generals and by what was its natural consequence ^the annually increasing dissoluteness, insubordination, and cowardice of the Boman soldiers. The mere rumour, which moreover was false, that the Oantabri and Yaccfei were advancing to the relief of Numantia, induced the Boman army to evacuate the camp by night without orders, and to seek shelter in the entrenchments constructed sixteen years before by Nobilior (P. 6). The Numantines, informed of their sudden departure, hotly pursued the fugitive army, and surrounded it: there remained to it no choice save to fight its way with sword in hand through the enemy, or to conclude peace on the terms laid down by the Numan- tines. Although the consul was personally a man of honour, he was weak and little known. Tibenus Gracchus, who served in the army as qussstor, had more influence with the Celtiberians from the hereditary respect in which he was held 6n account of his father who had^ so wisely regulated the province of the Ebro, and induced the Numantines to be content with an equitable treaty of peace sworn to by all the staff-officers. But the senate not only recalled the general immediately, but after long deliberation caused a proposal to be submitted to the burgesses that the con- vention should be treated as they had formerly treated that of Caudium, in other words, that they should refuse its ratification and should devolve the responsibility on those who had concluded it. By right this category ought to have included all the officers who had sworn to the treaty ; but Gracchus and the others were saved by their connec- tions ; Mancinus alone, who did not belong to the circle of the highest aristocracy, was destined to pay the penalty for his own and others' guilt. Stripped of his insignia, the Boman consular was conducted to the enemy's outposts, and, when the Numantines refused to receive him that they might not on their part acknowledge the treaty as null, the late commander-in-chief stood in his shirt and with his hands tied behind his back for a whole day before the gates of Numantia, a pitiful spectacle to friend and foe.

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Yet the bitter lesson seemed utterly lost od tbe successor of Mancinus, his colleague in the coDsulship, Marcus jEmilius Lepidus. While the discussions as to the treaty with Maiicinus were pending in Eome, he attacked the free nation of the Vaccasi under frivolous pretexts just as LucuUus had done sixteen years ^before, and began in concert with the general of the Further province to besiege 136. Pallantia (618). A decree of the senate enjoined him to desist from the war ; nevertheless, under the pretext that the circumstances had changed in the mean time, he con- tinued the siege,. In doing so he showed himself as bad a soldier as he was a bad citizen. After l3dng so long before the large and strong city that his supplies in that rugged and hostile country failed, he was obliged to Icaye behind all the sick and wounded and to undertake a retreat, in which the pursuing Pallantines destroyed half of his soldiers, and, if they had not broken off the pur- suit too early, would probably have utterly annihilated the Eoman army, which was already in full course of dissolution. For this fault a fine was imposed on the highborn general at his return. His successors Lucius Furius Philus 136. 135. (618) and Gains Calpumius Piso (619) had again to wage war against the I^umantines ; and, inasmuch as they did nothing at all, they fortunately came home without defeat. Scipio Even the Eomnn government began at length to perceive

itmilianus. that matters could no longer continue on this footing; they resolved to intrust the subjugation of the small Spanish country-town, as an extraordinary measure, to Scipio -^milianus the first general of Eome. The pecuniary re- sources for carrying on the war were indeed doled out to him with preposterous parsimony, and the permission to levy soldiers wbicli he asked was even directly refused a circum- stance due, probably, to coterie-intrigues and to the fear of being burdensome to the sovereign people. But a s^reat number of friends and clients voluntarily accompanied him ; among them was his brother Maximus JSmilianus, who some years before had commanded with distinction against Yiria- thus. Supported by this trusty band, which was formed into a guard wr the general, Scipio began to reorganize the 134. deeply disordered army (620). First of all the camp-followers had to take their departure ^there were as many as 2000 cour- tesans, and an endless number of soothsayers and priests of

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ail Borto and, while the soldier was not available for fight- ing, he had at least to work in the trenches and to march. Daring the first summer the general avoided anv conflict with the Nnmantines ; he contented himself with destroying the stores in the surrounding country, and with chastising the Yacca^ns who sold com to the iNumantines, and com- pelling them to acknowledge the supremacy of Bome. It was only towards winter that Scipio drew together his army round Numantia. Besides the Numidian contingent of horsemen, infantry, and twelve elephants led by the prince Jugurtha, and the numerous Spanish contingents, there were four legions, in all a force of 60,000 men investing a city whose citizens capable of arms were not more at most than 8000. Nevertheless the besieged frequently offered battle ; but Scipio, perceiving clearly that the disorganiza- tion of many years was not to be repaired all at once, refused to accept it, and, when conflicts did occur in con- nection with the sallies of the besieged, the cowardly flight of the legionaries, checked with difficulty by the appearance of the general in person, justified such tactics only too forcibly. Never did a general treat his soldiers more con- temptuously that Scipio treated the Numantine army ; and be showed his opinion of it not only by bitter speeches, but above all by the course of action which he adopted. For the first time the Bomans waged war by means of mattock and spade, where it depended on themselves alone whether they should use the sword. Around the whole circuit of the dtj, which was nearly three miles, there was constructed a double line of circumvallation of twice that extent, provided with walls, towers, and ditches ; and the river Douro, by which at first some supplies had reached the besieged through the efforts of bold boatmen and divers, was at length